http://www.translationdirectory.com/article449.htm
By
Anthony Pym
Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona, Spain
ap@fll.urv.es
Translation
theory may have a lot to learn from localization models, but
the latter may have just as much to learn from the former.
With that in mind, Anthony Pym invites us to pause in our
dismissal of translation theory as academic clap-trap long
enough to discover what it has to offer.
Translation
theory has a lot to learn from localization. Efficiency,
teamwork, how to explain problems to clients, how to work with
technology, to name just a few. So why would localization have
nothing to learn from translation theory? I suspect it is a
problem of sifting ideas from the jargon. But that complaint
works both ways (just check your own multiplying sigla!). If
one cares to see through the clouds, there might just be some
interesting ideas in translation theory. Those ideas might
even have something to say about localization. More to the
point, they might undo a few of the myths circulated by
localization hype. Here we shall suggest just a few.
Myth
1. Translation Is Just a Small Part of Localization
Process
models of localization list as many as twelve steps, starting
from 「Analysis of Received Material,」 「Scheduling and
Budgeting,」 through to 「Post-mortem With Client.」 Those
are the phases that project managers have to consider.
Translation is usually just one of those steps, so one
concludes that translation is just a small part of
localization. Seen in terms of the business model, that is
entirely correct. However, you could equally argue that since
bilingual secretaries translate, translation should only be
taught and studied as part of general secretarial duties. Or
better, since people talk on the telephone, phonetics is part
of telephony. We are comparing apples with pears here.
Translation is one of the fundamental things that people do
with language, alongside speaking, listening, writing and
reading. The localization models, on the other hand, are just
business procedures, suited to a certain kind of product at a
certain end of a certain century.
Let
us map out a few dimensions here. If you think localization
covers it all, consider that translation theory stretches back
to Horace and Cicero, at least. If you imagine translation has
disappeared under the growth of the localization industry,
calculate the number of people that translate in speech or
writing every day, within bilingual families, multilingual
communities, in social services, the courts, business
meetings, news services, as well as in literature, large
conferences and our multilingual dreams.
If
you want to argue that all those acts of translation are part
localization, we would like to agree. But then you will have
to start doing the theory of localization, which so far has
not extended beyond calculations of efficiency. And if you
think money is all that counts, ask yourself this: do the main
problems of our world concern the efficient distribution of
information, or the way different cultures perceive each
other? Localization models seem dedicated to the former;
translation theory has devoted a lot of thought to the latter.
A mixture of both could be of interest.
Myth
2. Translation Is Just the Replacement of Language Strings
If
translation is not just a part of localization, it must be
more than what localization portrays it as: the replacement of
natural language strings. Sure, we get all those wonderful
notes on the need to adapt to date formats, currencies, time
zones, even symbolic color codes and all those other things
that localization seems to add in addition to translation.
Those lists might impress clients. But please, translators
have been dealing with all that for millennia, adapting as
well as replacing language strings.
Among
the many theories for this, perhaps the best known is Eugene
Nida』s concept of 「dynamic equivalence,」 which covers
all those bits of cultural adaptation. 「Dynamic
equivalence」 is an alternative strategy to the 「formal
equivalence」 that project managers seem to seek when they
want the strings to fit into the same dialog boxes. Nida was
talking about translating the Bible, but his many creative
solutions might also help software enter the jungle.
Myth
3. Translation Theory Is Just Part of Applied Linguistics
For
the past twenty years or so, translation theory has been
accepting ever wider forms of text transformation, without
having to call it 「localization.」 From at least 1984, Skopostheorie
(theory of purposes) and Handlungstheorie (action
theory) have insisted that translation is not dominated by the
source text, but by relations with the client and the overall
purpose or function that the translation has to achieve in the
target culture. Those have been very strong messages, in tune
with the developments of the profession. Those theories have
pushed translation beyond the concept of equivalence, which
always referred to the source text. In so doing, the theories
have taken translation away from the clutches of linguistics
as an academic discipline. The question of defining the
purpose of a translation requires applied sociology, the
ethics of communication and a gamut of considerations that are
loosely held under the term 「cultural studies」.
Translation
theory has been going that way for some twenty years. And now
localization enters to tell us that none of that has happened,
that translation is 「just a language problem,」 in fact
relaying the insult once applied to localization itself. In
the development of translation theory, localization represents
several steps backward.
Myth
4. Translation Output Is Like Translation Input
Translation
theory now freely admits that translators do more than produce
equivalent texts. Another branch of translation theory, called
Descriptive Translation Studies, has been showing this for
rather more than twenty years. Those empirical studies have
looked at all forms of translation in many cultures over long
historical periods. They have found the following general
tendencies:
- Translations
are usually slightly longer than non-translations.
- Translations
use a narrower range of words than non-translations (their
type/token ratio is lower).
- Semantics
are more explicit values in translations than
non-translations.
- Optional
syntactic connectors are used more in translations.
- The
more expert the translator, the larger the text units they
work on.
There
are many more findings in this vein, many of them without
apparent consequence. Localizers might however benefit from
this growing body of knowledge. They might understand that
translators are working quite normally when they change the
length and structures of inputs, and that there are strong
psychological and cultural reasons for those changes.
Myth
5. Translation Is the Same All Over the World
The
historical branch of Descriptive Translation Studies has also
shown that the norms of translation are very different in
different cultures and at different times. When the French
translated Russian novels, they usually trimmed them down by
at least a third. When Erasmus was first translated into
Spanish, his text was expanded by about a third. Some cultures
accept the use of foreign terms and place-names; others choose
to replace them with home-grown words. Some cultures continue
to love performing technical tasks in technical English;
others will eternally resent the imposition. Each culture
would seem to have its own norms about what is acceptable in
translations, and knowledge of those norms is as useful as
awareness of any other local paradigms of communication.
The
general finding is that, the more prestigious the receiving
locale feels itself to be, the less that locale will tolerate
the presence of foreign elements in translations. We also find
that the bigger the locale, the more this is true, and the
smaller the role of translation is in its culture. And then,
perhaps paradoxically, the more a culture translates, the more
it tolerates the use of foreign languages within it.
Translation
is thus operating not just on words, but on the ways cultures
perceive their relations. The adoption of one translation
strategy or another can have an effect on those perceptions.
And that is an ethical question of extreme pertinence to
localization. It can influence the future of our cultures in
the technical discourses most localized, particularly with
respect to languages that are being brought into the
electronic media for the first time.
Those
things happen over time, and localization projects do not pay
people to think over the long-term. At the moment,
localization seems focused on developing technologies to bring
about regime change, forgetting about the fate of cultures
after that change.
Myth
6. Translators Love Donkeywork
Even
when just a part of localization, translation is an extremely
variable set of operations. It can be used extensively or just
in part; it can look entirely like a target-side text or like
a foreign text (some cultures prefer it that way); it can
create a new cultural domain or just extend international
technical culture. Since all those factors are variables, they
can have significant effects on localization costs.
Unfortunately, since the benefits of high-cost translation
strategies tend to appear over time, they tend not to be
allowed for. A lot of translating is being done as cheaply and
as quickly as possible, with results that are turning our
computers and web sites into wonderlands of linguistic error.
At
the bottom of this, translators are being employed to repeat
terminology as consistently as possible, to control the length
but not the content of their output, and to forget about
anything else. Localization and translation memory software do
their utmost to separate translators from any sense of
actually communicating something to someone. This is
disastrous for the professional self-image of translators, who
frequently enter the more interesting parts of localization,
or move on to non-localization work as soon as they can afford
to do so. It may also turn out to be disastrous in the
long-term for localization itself, since experienced
translators should be the source of much valuable cultural
information. They are the ones who can tell you, intuitively,
what cultural transformations our products have to undergo in
order to be accepted. They also have ideas about the long-term
effects of their work. If you don』t want to indulge in
translation theory, you may still obtain some practical
benefits by listening to a few experienced translators.
翻譯理論對在地化模式的啟示
迷思1
翻譯只是在地化的一小部分
迷思2 翻譯只是語串的替代
迷思3 翻譯只是應用語言學的一部分
迷思4 翻譯成品應忠於原著
翻譯理論現在大方的承認,翻譯者並非生產與原著對等的文字而已,過去二十年來,翻譯理論的一支──描述翻譯學──一直都在彰顯這個論點,用許多經驗研究來仔細觀察長久以來不同文化中的翻譯形式,他們歸納出以下概括的傾向:
l
譯作通常比非譯作來得長。
l
譯作使用的字彙數量較非譯作少(類型比例較低)。
l
譯作在語義上較非譯作來得清楚明顯。
l
譯作比較常使用非必要性的句法連接詞。
l
譯者越具有專門知識,處裡的文字單位也越長。
這些方面的研究還有其他發現,多數沒有顯著的意義。但是,在地化的擁護者可能還是可以從這個不斷增長的知識領域獲益,他們或許可以瞭解翻譯者在翻譯時改變文字的長度或結構是很正常的事,而且背後有其心理上和文化上的理由。
迷思5全世界的翻譯皆相同
描述翻譯學的歷史研究分支指出,翻譯的準則會因不同文化與時空而有所差異。法國人翻譯俄國作品時,通常會將原著刪減三分之一以上;而當文藝復興人文學者伊拉斯默斯的作品首度譯入西班牙文時,其著作則被增添了約三分之一。有些文化接受外來語彙和地名的使用,有些則選擇以當地的文字取代。有些文化熱愛在翻譯技術語言時使用技術英文;其他文化則痛恨這種壓力。每個文化對翻譯的優劣都有自己的一套標準,而就像我們需要了解其他在地溝通模式一樣,對上述準則的瞭解也是有益的。
一般研究發現,若翻譯要進入的地區自認名望越高,就越不能忍受翻譯中的外來元素。而且目標地區越大,就越不能容忍外來元素,而翻譯在此文化中扮演的角色也就越小。很矛盾的是,一個文化翻譯的越多,則對外來語言使用的容忍度就越高。
因此,翻譯的運作不僅於文字上,也影響了文化如何認知與其他文化之間的關係。選擇採用何種翻譯策略同時也會影響這些認知。這是在地方理論中極為切題的倫理問題,也會影響我們的文化在在地化程度最高的技術論述中有何未來,特別是就那些首度搬上電子媒體的語言而言。這些都是長時間累積的結果,但在地化往往不鼓勵人們做長遠的考量,目前的在地化理論似乎只專注發展可能推動政權轉移的科技,而忽略了政權改變後文化發展要往哪裡去。
迷思 6翻譯者喜歡苦差事
(謝艾倫、許嘉宇)
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